During wars, cultural heritage is particularly vulnerable to deliberate attacks and acts of intolerance, as starkly demonstrated during the 44-day war initiated by Azerbaijan in 2020, the blockade of the Lachin Corridor, and the complete depopulation of Artsakh due to military operations in 2023. In armed conflicts, the use of monuments and their surrounding cultural landscapes for military purposes – such as shelters, ammunition depots, combat bases, observation posts, command centers, or deployment hubs for armed forces –poses a significant threat to heritage protection. During and after the 2020 war, numerous churches, community cultural centers, and educational institutions in Artsakh were repurposed by Azerbaijan for military use. This repurposing undermined the primary cultural, spiritual, historical, educational, and aesthetic functions of these heritage sites. By altering their roles to serve military purposes – effectively turning them into “military objects” – their spiritual and cultural significance is disrupted. Moreover, this transformation violates the protections afforded by the Hague and Geneva Conventions, as well as international humanitarian law, which safeguard cultural heritage as a civilian asset. Converting heritage sites for military purposes compromises their inviolability, making them more susceptible to damage or destruction. Despite the norms of international humanitarian law, incidents of damage and destruction to Artsakh's monuments due to their military use by Azerbaijan have not ceased. On the contrary, they continue to escalate, further endangering the cultural heritage of the region and, by extension, the world.

KeywordsInternational humanitarian law protection of cultural heritage armed conflict Artsakh Azerbaijan military use of cultural values war crime

Once again, made by Azerbaijan, we witnessed crimes during the military operations against Artsakh in 2020. The 44-day war was marked by widespread breaches of international law, deliberate attacks on civilian infrastructure and cultural monuments, the use of prohibited weapons, and other war crimes. This resulted in thousands of casualties, tens of thousands of wounded and displaced individuals, and extensive destruction. During the 44-day war, Azerbaijani armed forces launched systematic and coordinated attacks on nearly all settlements in Artsakh, targeting residential houses, public buildings, and educational institutions. From the very first day of the war, Azerbaijan launched relentless shelling and bombing campaigns on Stepanakert and multiple communities across Askeran, Martuni, Hadrut, Martakert, Karvachar, and Kashatagh districts. Thousands of civilians were left homeless as their apartments and houses were either destroyed or rendered uninhabitable. Throughout the war, more than 170 peaceful settlements were targeted using aircraft, heavy artillery, rockets, and tanks. Throughout the entire 44-day war, Azerbaijan’s military-political leadership, while continuing to commit war crimes, deliberately and periodically targeted key civilian infrastructure across Artsakh, including power, communication, gas and water supply systems, bridges, and food storage facilities. Since September 27, the telephone and Internet network has been another deliberate target. First, Azerbaijani hackers caused serious problems in the communication system for several days, resulting in tens of thousands of civilians being unable to communicate for long periods. Schools, kindergartens, shops and other facilities were also targeted. During the war, the key infrastructure, including roads and bridges, was heavily damaged. Major roads, particularly those connecting Stepanakert with neighboring villages, as well as inter-district and inter-community roads, were targeted. These attacks clearly violated the principle of distinction between civilian and military targets, demonstrating that Azerbaijan's strikes were deliberate and targeted in nature, further confirming the intentionality of the war crimes committed during the September 2020 conflict.

Keywordswar settlements infrastructure shelling air raids prohibited weapons crimes international law

This study examines the development of the Armenian diaspora in the Czech Republic, based on narrative-biographical interviews with members of the first migration generation. It highlights how identity and memory are shaped and transmitted in a diasporic context. Although small in number, the Armenian community represents a distinct case of post-Soviet migration and cultural continuity. The study explores key historical triggers – such as the Armenian Genocide, the 1988 Spitak earthquake, and the collapse of the USSR – and their impact on migration trajectories and collective memory. Using a narrative approach and framed by theories of transnationalism and diasporic identity, the research shows how migrants negotiate between cultures and generations. It also reveals the symbolic role of language, family, and everyday practices in maintaining a sense of belonging.

KeywordsUS-Georgia relations Russo-Georgian War NATO South Caucasus regional security strategic partnership Armenia’s national interests

This article examines the development and re-evaluation of US-Georgia relations in the context of the 2008–2009 five-day Russo-Georgian War, revealing the real boundaries of Washington’s policy and its influence on the geopolitical environment of the South Caucasus. The article analyzes the internal political developments during the first years of Mikheil Saakashvili’s second presidential term, Georgia’s aspirations for NATO membership, and the nature of US diplomatic, political, and financial support before and after the war. The article demonstrates that despite clear US statements on supporting Georgia’s territorial integrity and Euro-Atlantic integration, this support did not translate into military guarantees, which became evident during the five-day Russo-Georgian War. Special attention is paid to the re-evaluation of Georgia’s prospects for NATO membership, the political consequences of the Bucharest Summit, and Washington’s response during the August 2008 military operations. After the war, relations took on a more institutionalized form with the signing of the Strategic Cooperation Charter in 2009, but the reduced US interest in the region under the Obama administration posed new challenges. The article also offers important conclusions from the perspective of the national security of the Republic of Armenia and regional stability.

KeywordsUS-Georgia relations Russo-Georgian War NATO South Caucasus regional security strategic partnership Armenia’s national interests