While the “Greater Azerbaijan” movement has employed varying strategies over time, its ultimate political objective has remained consistent. Thus, considering it impossible to occupy the Armenian territories by military means during the years of the Soviet government, leadership of Azerbaijan adopted a novel strategy. This entailed a shift from massacres, persecutions, and forced displacement to a policy of ethnic cleansing, disenfranchisement, national discrimination, distortion of the ethnographic image through ethnographic factor, statistics, and fabricated data, Turkification of toponyms, cartographic distortions, and appropriation of cultural values. It should be noted that the appropriation of new Armenian territories under the false slogan of “proletarian internationalism and friendship of the peoples” under the guise of creating nomadic economies also constituted a significant aspect in the expansionist agendas pursued by the governing bodies of the Azerbaijani SSR. According to Art. Abeghyan’s accurate definition, “...red imperialism continues the policy of white imperialism in the Caucasus. It keeps the Tatar in the state of a nomadic herder, so that the latter, perched on the heights of the Armenian world for six months, continues to hang the sword of Damocles over the head of the Armenian peasant, in a state of obedience to the Muscovite government and its Caucasian representatives.” At the same time, the author of the article emphasized that “The nomadic scourge of the past, which may be exemplified by the Armenian-Tatar conflicts of 1905–1906, brought numerous disasters to the Armenians, resulting in being the most effective weapon in the hands of the Tsarist regime”.

Pioneer of Urartology, orientalist K.F. Lehmann-Haupt (1861–1938) during his research of the Armenian Highlands and Northern Mesopotamia (1898–1899), among other ancient sites, also researched the probable region of Musasir, the religious center of the Kingdom of Van. Discussing the problems of the early period of the history of Van Kingdom (Urartu), the scientist considered as a special topic of a deep research the spread of the cult of the god Khaldi in the capital Tushpa and other areas out of the city. It is noteworthy, that in this context the researcher was the first to conduct a scientific discussion on the circumstances of the location of the bilingual inscription of Kelishin of Musasir region, its dates, about the scribe who recorded it, also the language of the inscriptions. According to K.F. Lehmann-Haupt, the city of Musasir was probably founded in the 9th century BCE and the cult of the god Khaldi was established there. The researcher believes that Menua’s brother, Sarduri was appointed viceroy in Musasir and there was a statue dedicated to him in the temple of Musasir the presence of which was evidenced in the description about the invasion of Urartu in 714 BCE by the Assyrian king Sargon II (721–705 BCE). Examining the road from Van to Musasir, K.F. Lehmann-Haupt considers it as a result of the Biainian engineering mind and notes that it was also built in accordance with the features of the transportation of the Biainian army.

The article is the continuation of the research published in the Bulletin of Oriental Studies, II, 20232 and starts from the period following the fall of the rule of the Safavid power over the region. It considers the state of the Christians of Eastern Transcaucasia in the given period, and the main causes leading to their intensified conversion to Islam. The main focus is on the economic incentives of their Islamization and particularly the poll-tax levied on the Christians in Shaki khanate from the times of Haji Chelebi Khan till the mid-nineteenth century already under the Russian Rule. The published and unpublished archive documents of the period show that the poll-tax named ‘abrishum-i din’ (in Persian), ‘din ipaki’ or ‘ipak dini’ (in Turkish) levied from the Christians of Shaki khanate was rather a heavy tax and in some cases was a reason for their conversion to Islam. The Persian document represented in the article with its English translation and commentaries contains a forcible argument for this.

In the 19th century, publication of the descriptions and studies of Armenian manuscripts began through the manuscript catalogues and the publication of articles in Armenian periodicals. The lengthiest Armenian periodical the “Bazmavep” (Venice, since 1843) also dedicated considerable space to the presentation of Armenian manuscripts.The early articles of the 19th century by authors Garegin Zarbhanalyan and Ghevond Alishan signify the role of Armenian manuscripts in Armenian culture and history, speak about the significance of their preservation and presentation in the journals. Later articles by Barsegh Sargisyan present the select manuscripts from the Mekhitarist Congregation. In the 19th century the “Bazmavep” served as a primary vehicle for the popularization of the Mekhitarist Congregation’s manuscripts. Additionally, the “Bazmavep” not only facilitated the circulation of scholarly information about the manuscripts of the Mekhitarist Congregation but also presented manuscripts from the Royal Library of Berlin. The “Bazmavep” played a significant role in the dissemination of scholarly discourse by directly responding to articles from other Armenological journals or simply reprinting information about Armenian manuscripts published elsewhere.For contemporary scholars, these articles serve the enrichment of understanding the dissemination of scholarly discourse on the Armenian manuscripts in the 19th century. Furthermore, they offer valuable information about the locations of manuscripts at specific times, and shed light on incomplete or unreleased initiatives related to manuscripts.

The “History of the Rubenids” by Archimandrite Vahram, or Vahram Rabun, Secretary of the Royal Court, is a concise historical work, presented in a rhymed form and entirely dedicated to the history of the Cilician Armenian State from its origin (1080) to the 80s of the XIII century. It was created as a continuation of Nerses Shnorhali’s “Vipasanutyun”, as far as its structure and rhyme are concerned. This is a historical work, ordered by the king, which was often included in manuscripts along with texts by other authors (Nerses Shnorhali, Nerses of Lambron and others). In the XIX century, this work was published several times: from 1804 (Madras) to 1869 (Paris). All these editions can be divided into three groups: a) “Madras-1804” b) “Paris-1859” and c) “Madras-1810-Calcutta-1832-Paris-1869”, which were certainly based on manuscript copies that differ from each other. The manuscripts that served as the basis for the three versions mentioned above have either not survived or their location is unknown. There is evidence that a large group of Armenian manuscripts in India have completely deteriorated (in the 1860s) due to being kept in very humid and unfit conditions. It is most likely that among them were also manuscripts based on which the Madras and Calcutta editions were made. The Paris edition of 1859 was made by Karapet Shahnazariants through a copy of a manuscript of the Saint Echmiadzin library. Therefore, until those manuscripts are found, printed copies have acquired the significance of the original and should be taken into account when composing a critical text. Comparison of these editions led us to the conclusion that the “Madras-1810-Calcutta-1832-Paris-1869” version is the most complete. This is especially true for the Paris edition of Édouard Dulaurier, which has a more verified and carefully prepared text (compared with at least 3-4 manuscripts) as well as a scientific apparatus and a complete French translation.

The reliability of historical and cultural primary sources, and hence the scientific value, depends on the degree of study. In the case of a huge number and variety of petroglyphs and related cultural artifacts, it is necessary to conduct a complex, multifaceted classification which will facilitate the extraction of functions, semantic and spatio-temporal aspects of the petroglyphs. Modern Machine Learning (ML) technologies are also applicable in Petroglyphology. Their contribution is promising in the problems of image recognition and classification.ML is a subset of artificial intelligence that automatically enables a machine (neural network) or system to learn and improve from experience. Instead of explicit programming, it uses algorithms to make decisions based on the analysis of large amounts of data. When exposed to more data, the model’s performance improves, ultimately enhancing its accuracy and reliability.Using a Supervised Learning approach, one of the main types of ML, the model is trained on a set of labeled images provided by the researcher. Supervised Learning involves pairing each petroglyph with its content, allowing the trained model to accurately predict the content of new, previously unseen images. Unsupervised Learning can also be applied when the model is trained on data that have not been labeled by the researcher.This will contribute to solving a number of fundamental problems of the Rock-art of Armenia because it is distinguished to a certain extent by its antiquity, multi-genre content and, especially, applied significance. Machine Learning methods developed for petroglyphs can be applied to other spheres of cultural studies improving image recognition, analysis, and data classification.

Based on the comparative analysis of the causes and prerequisites of the Armenian Genocide in the Ottoman Empire and the Yazidi Genocide in Sinjar, it can be concluded that the two identical crimes have much in common. Both the Armenian Genocide and the Yazidi Genocide were based on racist ideologies. If the Armenian Genocide was based on the ideology of pan-Turkism, then in the case of the Yazidi Genocide it was based on the ideology of Arabism and radical Islam. In both cases, the organizers of the genocides pursued the goal of depriving the indigenous peoples of the right to live in their homeland and taking over their territories, which became one of the main motives for committing these crimes. Along with common features, there are also certain differences. The Armenian Genocide and the Yazidi Genocide were committed in different eras and in different regions, which undoubtedly influenced the causes and preconditions of these identical crimes. The main difference in the causes and prerequisites of the two crimes is that while the Armenian Genocide was planned and prepared by the legitimate authorities of the Ottoman Empire on the eve of the First World War, the beginning of which became the signal for the implementation of this crime, the genocide of the Yazidis in Sinjar was prepared and carried out by the terrorist group ISIS, which took control of certain territories of Iraq, with the complicity of the authorities of the Kurdish autonomy, under the conditions of criminal inaction of the legitimate authorities.

The present article analyzes the participation of Armenian merchants in the development of the economy as an exceptional social reality in the region. This can also be considered as an expression of peaceful coexistence between Armenian and the local Christian and Islamic religious communities. Thus, from a chronological point of view, the study presents the XVII–XIX centuries when there was a conflict of interests between the great powers in the Middle East. However, even in those difficult times, the Armenian traders were able to expand their activities, connecting the East and the West, thus becoming a bridge between the local Middle East and the European societies. This explains the rise in the social structure of the Syrian, Iranian and Iraqi Armenian communities, bringing the traders’ progressive contribution to the development of these societies. Therefore, it can be said with certainty that being successful in trade contributes to the preservation of the national characteristics and image of their communities. This study was carried out by three researchers of the Armenian Communities and Diaspora Department of the Institute of History of NAS RA, based on some monographs, professional encyclopedias, periodical press articles and some other well-known experts’ studies in this field.

In April 1910, in Constantinople, Misak Suryan, a member of the Reorganised Hunchak Party, founded the weekly newspaper “Aravot” (Morning). From its inception, the newspaper adopted a staunchly oppositional stance, which led to its prohibition by the Young Turk government after only a few issues had been published. The publication of “Aravot” resumed in April 1919, serving as the unofficial mouthpiece of the Reorganised Hunchak Party. Between March and October 1921, it functioned as the Constantinople organ of the party. The newspaper addressed a range of issues, with particular emphasis on the First Republic of Armenia, the Armenian Question at the Paris Peace Conference, the activities of the Armenian delegation, Russo-Armenian and Armenian-Entente relations, as well as the improvement of internal Armenian national affairs. After the Sovietisation of Armenia, “Aravot” maintained its national-liberal orientation. While rejecting Bolshevik ideology, it nonetheless advocated for the defence of the Armenian State and conducted a broad campaign in support of Soviet Armenia. Following the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, the periodical found itself unable to continue on its ideological path and ceased publication in 1924.

At the beginning of the 20th century, the Armenian Question regained a strong urgency. This was caused by the Balkan crisis and the formation of a new international situation on the one hand, and by the further deterioration of the socio-economic situation of Western Armenians under Ottoman rule on the other. The Young Turks continued Sultan Hamid’s policy of the extermination of Armenians. In the autumn of 1912, European powers, primarily Russia, initiated negotiations with the Turkish authorities on the fundamental issue of implementing necessary reforms in the Western Armenian provinces. At the same time, the regions under the Turkish control further intensified the persecution of Armenians, aiming to depopulate the indigenous Armenian territories. All of this, in essence and depth, was reflected and illuminated in the pages of “Horizon”, an influential Armenian periodical published in Tiflis (Tbilisi) during 1912-1914. The material presented in "Horizon" is a truthful reflection of this complex and dramatic period of our history and serves as a true lesson and message for present and future generations.

After the Armistice of Mudros was signed between the Ottoman State and the Allied Powers on October 30, 1918, Constantinople was filled with Armenian orphans, widows, and deportees. The Armenian community established or revived various aid associations and institutions to heal their wounds. Such were the patriotic associations whose success would be helped by all community classes. The mentioned associations had branches both in the province and abroad. They would morally and materially support their compatriots and work to restore their province by repairing buildings. Patriotic associations continued their activity until 1922. When, due to new political conditions, Armenians began to migrate from Constantinople, the patriotic associations’ activity ended.

In this article, we have presented interesting information about the activity of the schools of Artsakh of the second half of the 19th century, based on the materials of the periodicals “Haykakan Ashkharh” and “Ardzagank”. A general idea is given about the activities of diocesan, realakan, male, female, mid-class, two-class, mixed gender schools of Artsakh. We have presented the activities of some supervisors (directors) of the Shushi diocesan school, emphasized the peculiarities of their pedagogical views, elucidated the school's internal regulations, the process of educational courses, the ways of educating and teaching students as well as some financial problems based on the facts included in different issues of the periodicals. The article mentions the existence of church parish schools in the north-eastern regions of Artsakh. We also value the activities of the branch of the Armenian Benevolent Society of Shushi, various supervisors, benefactors and other patriots who have played a great role in the long-term process of some schools in Artsakh. The significance of the manuscripts found in the churches of different regions in the educational and cultural life of Artsakh has also been referred to.

The administrative, economic, educational and military reforms carried out by the Leader of Egypt Muhammad Ali made Egypt a strong and stable state, laying a solid foundation for its development. The impact of the reforms carried out by Muhammad Ali was positive on the Egyptian-Armenian community as well. Egyptian Armenians actively participated in the development of the economic and cultural life of Egypt. Since the end of the 19th century, the Armenian cultural life in Egypt has become more active, the number of schools has increased, new cultural and educational unions and organizations have appeared, and new periodicals have been published.

Armenians and Greeks were in a dominant position and Turkish businessmen were in a less than enviable position. When the Young Turks came to power in 1908, they began to implement their plan to destroy the country's economy at the expense of Christian property. If by 1915 the Young Turks were aiming to prevent the seizure of the Armenian national properties of Constantinople, then during the First World War they began to conduct an open policy of their dispossession. The deportation, exile and murder of more than 34,000 Constantinople Armenians made their property dispossessed and facilitated their confiscation and appropriation. In 1922, following the massacre of Armenians and Greeks in Smyrna and the city's subsequent fire in September, the Kemalists sought to replicate these events in Constantinople. Despite the efforts of the allied military forces to prevent the deportation and massacre of Christians, the Ankara government remained unwavering in its stance. In its decision to deport the Christians of Constantinople, the government created a situation in the city that was so dire that it compelled the Armenians and Greeks to flee voluntarily. Following their escape, the implementation of the laws and directives passed by the Kemalist authorities enabled the government to fully seize the property left behind by the Armenians of Constantinople.

Chakatamart” was a daily newspaper published in Constantinople from 1918 to 1924. It succeeded the “Azatamart” daily newspaper, the official organ of the ARF Western Bureau, published in Constantinople from 1909–1915. The periodical addressed the situation and problems of Western Armenian immigrants until its final edition. It also discussed the challenges faced by exiles who sought refuge in Soviet Armenia, their efforts to adapt to the new political system, and the repressions they faced due to their faith and political views. Materials about immigrants were included in the “Haykakan Kyanq”, “Hayastan”, and “Lurer Hayastanen” sections. From 1923 to 1924, "Chakatamart" mainly published articles and news on these topics from Soviet-Armenian periodicals, as it did not have its correspondents in Soviet Armenia. In addition, it printed letters and complaints sent to the editorial office from Soviet Armenia without mentioning the sources of the information. Summarizing our study, we can state that particularly in 1920–1923, in its articles as well as editorials, “Chakatamart” emphasized that Armenia was Sovietized by force, and the people, including Western Armenian immigrants, were mostly against the abolition of the First Republic of Armenia, and the Bolsheviks becoming the ruling power. Regarding the emigration of Western Armenian exiles from Soviet Armenia, the newspaper attributed this phenomenon primarily to their poor socio-economic status and the political persecutions initiated against them by state bodies. In 1923, after the Lausanne Conference, the editorial staff of “Chakatamart” wrote that the Armenian question seemed to have reached a dead end, and Soviet Armenia was viewed as a manifestation of statehood uniting all Armenians (albeit not completely). The structures of the Armenian diaspora should try to be useful to Soviet Armenia, and the newspaper called for cooperation with the Soviet authorities. In its final year of publication, “Chakatamart” presented the daily life of emigrants in Soviet Armenia, and the work carried out for them through the relevant government agencies, as well as the success and achievements of Armenian emigrants.

The historians and academics of the Republic of Azerbaijan, preach and propagate that since the language spoken in the Iranian Province of Azerbaijan is the same as that spoken by the population of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the two are the same race and of the same background, therefore, they are the same people who presently live in two separate countries. Based on this baseless assumption, they propagate all sorts of misinformation aimed at the Iranian side, to separate from Iran and join their historical brothers and sisters in the Republic of Azerbaijan. The article suggests that language cannot be the sole basis for understanding the background of a certain society or tribe. Otherwise, most of the population of South America, all of Mexico, and the Philippines should actually be named Spanish. By the same token, many African countries that speak a European language would belong to the members of the same races, who, earlier on, had colonized their lands.

During their 1898–1899 journey through the Armenian Highlands and Northern Mesopotamia, the German orientalist C.F. Lehmann-Haupt and the chemist W. Belck, among other archaeological sites, also explored the supposed region of Musasir, the spiritual center of Biainili-Urartu. It is noteworthy that they also copied the Topzawa inscription, already known from various testimonies.1 According to C.F. Lehmann-Haupt, this bilingual inscription constitutes a primary source for reconstructing the events that unfolded between Urartu and Assyria during the reign of Rusa, son of Sarduri. It is noteworthy that a number of reconstructions suggested by this pioneer of Urartian studies in connection with the Topzawa inscription remain debated and contested to this day. They concerned the identity of the king who left the inscription, the chronology and nature of the events described, as well as the causes and route of the Assyrian king Sargon II’s campaign against Urartu in 714 BCE (reigned 721–705 BCE).2 At the beginning of the twentieth century, when C.F. Lehmann-Haupt addressed the route of Sargon II’s campaign in the Urmian basin, the boundaries of Urartu were still unclear, and his hypotheses were largely disregarded.

Առաջին համաշխարհային պատերազմը ճգնաժամային իրավիճակ էր ստեղծել Հնչակյան կուսակցության շարքերում: Փարիզում գտնվող նրա կենտրոնական վարչությունը փաստացի չէր գործում: Այդ պայմաններում Թիֆլիսում կազմավորվում է կուսակցության նոր ղեկավար մարմինը, որի կազմում ընտրվում է Տաշիրը (Սիմոն Հովվյան): 1916–1917 թթ. նա աշխատակցել է «Գաղափար» թերթին, եղել է նաև թերթի խմբագիրը: Տաշիրը Հայկական հարցի լուծումը կապում էր միջազգային սոցիալ-դեմոկրատիայի հաղթանակի և ազգերի ինքնորոշման իրավունքի հետ: 1917 թ. Փետրվարյան հեղափոխությունից հետո Տաշիրն ակտիվ գործունեություն էր ծավալել Հայաստանում` տեղական իշխանության նոր մարմինների ձևավորման ուղղությամբ: 1917–1920 թթ., երբ Անդրկովկասի հնչակյանների շարքերում ուժգնանում էր ՌՍԴԲԿ-ին միանալու ձգտումը, Տաշիրը հանդես է եկել Հնչակյան կուսակցության ինքնուրույն գոյության տեսակետի պաշտպանությամբ: 1919 թ. նա խմբագրել է «Գործավոր» թերթը: Իր հոդվածներում Տաշիրը ընդգծում էր այն միտքը, որ հայ ժողովրդի ազատագրությունը կապված էր ոչ թե եվրոպական տերությունների, այլ Խորհրդային Ռուսաստանի վարած քաղաքականության և հայ իրականության ներքին պայմանների հետ:Տ աշիրն ընդդիմադիր կեցվածք ուներ Հայաստանի Առաջին հանրապետությունում իշխող ՀՅԴ-ի նկատմամբ:

The Armistice of Mudros, signed on October 30, 1918, provided an opportunity for Armenian intellectuals who had survived the Genocide to publish periodicals in Constantinople. Among these publications was the highly regarded daily newspaper “Chakatamart”. The newspaper addressed various issues concerning the Armenian people, including the internal and external political challenges faced by the First Republic of Armenia. One of its key areas of focus was the fundamental problems in the educational and cultural sectors. “Chakatamart” covered these topics through news reports prepared by its own correspondents, interviews, and reprints from newspapers published in Armenia. The articles were objective and impartial, while its analytical pieces stood out for their optimism and offered solutions to the problems in the fields of education and culture. The newspaper presented these issues in a positive light and generally approached the shortcomings and deficiencies in the government's work with leniency, attributing them to the evolving circumstances of the Armenian Question. Almost every issue of the “Chakatamart” periodical included publications related to the restoration and reopening of Armenian educational institutions and cultural centers.

The Armenian Genocide has inspired diverse artistic expressions, with film emerging as a particularly powerful medium due to its emotional impact and wide reach. This article explores key cinematic works that depict the genocide, analyzing their thematic concerns, narrative techniques, and reception. It examines how these films confront denial, shape memory, and reflect political pressures – particularly Turkey’s efforts to suppress international awareness. Through a transnational lens, the article considers how filmmakers of Armenian, non-Armenian, and even Turkish origin approach this sensitive historical subject and its enduring legacy.

This article reinterprets the coverage and major assessments of the Defense Army (DA) of the Republic of Artsakh (RA) in Armenian historiography. Although certain episodes in the army’s history have been presented in various publications from Artsakh, Armenia, and the Diaspora, the study of the formation and combat path of the DA remains central to scholarly inquiry. The aim of this research is to summarize the evolution of the history of the Defense Army and evaluate key scholarly contributions, with a particular focus on the role of military construction in the development of Armenian statehood in Artsakh. The author analyzes the Defense Army not merely as a military organization but also as an institutional body formed under conditions of political non-recognition and operating under the legitimate right of selfdefense enshrined in international law.

In the ancient Armenian translation of the Bible, the Mesopotamian god of the afterlife and war Nergal is represented as Angeł. The same name is known in two legends from the books of Khorenatsi and Sebeos. It is interpreted as ‘unsightly, not nice, ugly,’ which seems rather inappropriate for a theonym. However, in the Assyrian myth, Nergal is invisible to the vizier of the goddess of the underworld. Hence the opportunity to etymologize Angeł not as an-geł ‘having no look,’ i.e. ‘invisible’ but to refer to the Indo-European context, where the closest cognate of the Armenian language is Greek. Thus, Angeł would correspond well with the Greek name of the underworld and its god Hades: Ἀΐδης, literally, ‘the Unseen’ < *ṇ-wid-. Supreme gods could be the lords of the “three worlds” – heaven, earth, and the underworld, and the Greek Hades, known as “Zeus of the underworld,” was thus one of the incarnations of Zeus. In ancient Armenian tradition, these functions would be attributed to Angeł. Notably, the supreme gods of some other ancient states of the region were also conceived to be invisible. However, the name and image of the epic hero Turk' Angełeay, i.e. “The gift of (god) Angeł,” should most probably be interpreted as the son of the god Angeł.

Gunsmithing was one of the oldest branches of craftsmanship of Armenians. Having separated from blacksmithing earlier than other types of craftsmanship, it was originally a purely urban craft. Armenian gunsmiths gained great fame in the Middle Ages. The medieval cities of Ani and Dvin were well-known centers of armory manufacturing. The fame of spears, swords, sabers, daggers, battle axes and other weapons produced here went beyond the borders of the country.

The Moscow and Kars Treaties, which proved fateful for Armenia and resulted in the seizure of strategically important territories from the Armenian people, have been widely discussed in recent decades, with particular emphasis on the injustice and illegality of these documents from the perspective of international law. Under these treaties, Nakhichevan was illegally placed under the protection of Azerbaijan, and Baku is currently taking unilateral steps to change the status of this autonomous republic, in violation of the Moscow and Kars Treaties still in force. The article examines Turkey’s diplomatic efforts to transfer Nakhichevan to Azerbaijan, which were based on the pan-Turkic goals of the Turkish authorities, as well as the consistent policy of the Azerbaijani authorities aimed at the de-Armenization of the autonomous republic. The domestic and foreign policy motives of the Azerbaijani authorities for changing the status of the Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic are also analyzed. The purpose of the article is to demonstrate the illegality of the actions of the Azerbaijani authorities in unilaterally changing the status of the Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic from the standpoint of international treaty law, as well as to indicate the possible political and legal consequences of violating the provisions of the Moscow and Kars Treaties regarding the status of Nakhichevan.

This article examines the institution of lobbying in the United States, presenting its historical development, regulatory framework, and empirical scope, with the aim of drawing lessons for the Republic of Armenia. In the U.S. context, lobbying has evolved into a significant economic and political sector, creating both democratic opportunities and risks of corruption. By contrast, Armenia lacks a comprehensive legal framework for lobbying, despite pressing anti-corruption imperatives. The article argues that Armenia could benefit from adapting elements of the American model – particularly transparency, registration, public access, and oversight – while tailoring these mechanisms to its local institutional context and democratic needs. The study concludes by offering recommendations to Armenia’s emerging reform agenda․

The formation and development of the educational systems of Armenian communities in the Middle East were shaped not only by pedagogical needs but also by the imperative to preserve and strengthen national, religious, and cultural identity. The educational life of these communities was largely guided by church structures. Preschools functioned under the auspices of various churches, including the Apostolic, Catholic, and Evangelical denominations. Armenian Evangelical educational institutions in the Middle East, established particularly in the aftermath of the Armenian Genocide, were distinguished by their religious and national orientations. In these schools, alongside instruction in the Holy Scripture, considerable attention was devoted to teaching the Armenian language, literature, and history; conducting prayers in the native language; and providing foreign-language education, which enabled students to pursue higher studies. Many Evangelical schools operated under missionary auspices, through which support was provided for improving buildings and material-technical conditions. Special emphasis was also placed on the education of girls, ensuring their equal participation in the learning process.

This study examines the development of the Armenian diaspora in the Czech Republic, based on narrative-biographical interviews with members of the first migration generation. It highlights how identity and memory are shaped and transmitted in a diasporic context. Although small in number, the Armenian community represents a distinct case of post-Soviet migration and cultural continuity. The study explores key historical triggers – such as the Armenian Genocide, the 1988 Spitak earthquake, and the collapse of the USSR – and their impact on migration trajectories and collective memory. Using a narrative approach and framed by theories of transnationalism and diasporic identity, the research shows how migrants negotiate between cultures and generations. It also reveals the symbolic role of language, family, and everyday practices in maintaining a sense of belonging.

This article examines the development and re-evaluation of US-Georgia relations in the context of the 2008–2009 five-day Russo-Georgian War, revealing the real boundaries of Washington’s policy and its influence on the geopolitical environment of the South Caucasus. The article analyzes the internal political developments during the first years of Mikheil Saakashvili’s second presidential term, Georgia’s aspirations for NATO membership, and the nature of US diplomatic, political, and financial support before and after the war. The article demonstrates that despite clear US statements on supporting Georgia’s territorial integrity and Euro-Atlantic integration, this support did not translate into military guarantees, which became evident during the five-day Russo-Georgian War. Special attention is paid to the re-evaluation of Georgia’s prospects for NATO membership, the political consequences of the Bucharest Summit, and Washington’s response during the August 2008 military operations. After the war, relations took on a more institutionalized form with the signing of the Strategic Cooperation Charter in 2009, but the reduced US interest in the region under the Obama administration posed new challenges. The article also offers important conclusions from the perspective of the national security of the Republic of Armenia and regional stability.

The first period of Archbishop Gevorg Chorekchyan's tenure (1921–1927) coincided with the most difficult years for the diocese of Georgian Armenians. The head of the diocese spared no effort or energy in maintaining the effective functioning of the diocese. He approached the resolution of any issues with great zeal and willingness. Chorekchyan intended to convene a church council of representatives from the diocese of Georgian Armenians, where matters of church decoration, as well as many issues concerning clergy, were to be discussed, aiming to more closely connect the faithful people with their native church. In 1927, Archbishop Gevorg Chorekchyan returned to the Mother See of Etchmiadzin and was elected a member of the Supreme Spiritual Council.

Arpiar Arpiaryan’s journalistic and publicistic activity is closely aligned with the ideological orientation of “Mshak”. It is therefore not coincidental that he joined the newspaper at the invitation of Grigor Artsruni and upon the recommendation of Mkrtich Portugalyan. Following Svachyan and Nalbandyan, Arpiaryan emerged as a crucial mediating figure between the Western Armenian and Eastern Armenian intelligentsia. Arpiaryan was the first to provide a comprehensive and systematic account of the activities of the Patriarchate of Constantinople and the Armenian National Assembly.